One year ago on July 15 we saw pictures and videos of military personnel and civilians engaging on the Bosphorous Bridge, in the streets of Istanbul and the greater Anatolia region. 300 died and over 2100 people were injured in the span just 24 hours. President Erdogan of Turkey was on vacation when he got the news of the coup taking place. From his vacation spot in southern Turkey, he Facetimed with Turkish government-approved media outlet TRT on an iPhone instructing civilians in the Anatolia region to take to the streets and resist a Gülenist threat against Turkey’s democracy. Gülenists are those who follow and/or are inspired by the ideology of Islamist and anti-Erdogan/AKP influencer, Fethullah Gulen.
This year Erdogan gave a speech to thousands of supporters, making threats against his adversaries on the anniversary of the failed military coup. This included the Turkish President saying he would ‘chop off traitors’ heads,’ a controversial statement itself that connotes the rumors of a pro-government counter-coup activist beheading a Turkish soldier on the Bosphorus Bridge. Among repeated allusions to avenge those martyrs who died fighting the military the night of the coup, Erdogan quite seriously suggested that those tried for treason would appear in court wearing Guantanamo Bay-style uniforms. July 15th has been made a nationalist holiday and the Bosphorus Bridge a memorial for martyred counter-coup participants.
Strongman rhetoric such as this was received well by the crowd, but not by all Turks. It is concerning that with the passing of Erdogan’s referendum in the spring – which would give him sweeping executive powers – such vengeful rhetoric could become more than just words. At this time the Turkish ruling party AKP is not carrying out actual beheadings of suspected members of the so-called parallel-state they say is headed by self-exiled Islamist political influencer Fethullah Gülen who lives in Pennsylvania.
Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan delivering a speech at a ceremony site on “July 15 Martyrs Bridge” (Bosphorus Bridge) in Istanbul on July 15, 2017. / AFP PHOTO / OZAN KOSE
In lieu of beheadings Erdogan spoke of, the AKP are working on cutting off the metaphorical heads of the political ‘virus’ within Turkey, sacking teachers, journalists, civil servants, cooks and workers of all stripes who are found to be even slightly tolerant or non-condemning of Gülen and the ‘parallel state’ he allegedly runs from the US. Because of his self-exile in the US, many nationalist and pro-AKP outlets have accused the CIA of colluding with the Gülenists in conducting the attempted coup.
It is known that ‘several high-ranking figures with ties to the Gülen movement played key roles in the July coup.’ However, experts from the US and Turkey did not find that this connected the movement and their actions to the man himself. It is not clear if Fethullah Gülen has any direct influence over the movement he inspired. He condemned the coup and denied any connection to the (planning, funding, orchestrating of the) event.
On the July 14th, Gülen released a statement (unfortunately, our Turkish readers cannot access the twitter page in this link) once again denouncing the coup and the threat it posed to democracy in Turkey. Below this the statement in its entirety. It is to be understood that in publishing this statement, The Fulda Gap does not intend to support or condemn Gülen. Rather we believe that Gülen’s professed stance on the coup itself and the events that followed are valuable to those wishing to investigate sentiments surrounding the events that are not propagated by the Turkish government.
Saturday is a sad moment in Turkish history as it marks one year since the deplorable coup attempt that resulted in the death of hundreds and injuries of thousands. On this occasion I reiterated my condemnation of the despicable putsch and its perpetrators, and extend my sincere condolences to the families and loved ones affected by this horrible tragedy.
Unfortunately, in the aftermath of this tragic incident the lives of far too many innocent people have been darkened. They have been unlawfully fired from their jobs, arrested, jailed, and even tortured – all under the government’s direction. They are being deprived of their livelihoods, dignity and human rights while the government conducts a witch-hunt to weed out anyone it deems disloyal to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his regime.
The last year has taken a toll on me as hundred of thousands of innocent Turkish citizens are being punished simply because the government decides they are somehow “connected” to me or the Hizmet movement and treats that alleged connection as a crime. Accusations against me related to the coup attempt were baseless, politically motivated slanders. The government’s treatment of innocent citizens during the past year is dragging Turkey into the category of the countries with the worst record of democracy, the rule of law and fundamental freedoms in the world. On this day, I reiterate my call for an independent international investigation to fully examine what occurred on July 15 and to bring the coup perpetrators to justice. I stand by my pledge to accept its ruling and return to Turkey if the commission finds me responsible for the coup attempt.
Instead of answering why they have failed to convince world leaders about their accusations against me, Turkey’s leaders are feeding conspiracy theories to Turkish audiences through the media outlets that have become mouthpieces for government propaganda. Unfortunately, unable to hear any different narratives about the horrific incident, the Turkish people are being rallied en masse around hate messages. Very few people are able to stop and notice the alarming resemblance of the current scapegoating of Hizmet participants to the scapegoating of certain groups by fascist and communist totalitarian regimes of the 20th century.
Democracy cannot be achieved or protected through violent means. Even if elected political leaders persecute their own citizens by trampling over fundamental human rights, their removal through anti-democratic means cannot be condoned. Despite having being subjected to persecution unprecedented in Turkish history in terms of its methods and scale for a year now, no Hizmet participant has even raised a fist against his or her persecutors. Instead, they are continuing to pursue their rights through legal and peaceful means. I think anyone who still doubts their commitment to nonviolence, peace and the rule of law despite this track record is blinded by prejudice.
It is my hope that Turkish intellectuals will raise their voice and stand in solidarity with all victims of the persecution, and the members of the judiciary will resist political pressures and uphold universal principles of justice. I pray to God, the Most Compassionate, to save this blessed land from the present darkness and deliver to an atmosphere of peace and tranquility.
While Gülen’s stance on the attempted coup and its repercussions seem balanced and to many seem to be proof of his innocence, it is hard to ignore his at least tacit influence over the whole thing. Nationalists and supporters of the government fail to see any grey area, and perhaps see this as a move to politically distance himself from the radical activities he is accused of influencing/conducting. However, this has yet to be proved or otherwise.
Gülen’s professed willingness to accept any outcome of his proposed independent international investigation could be perceived as either further self-preservation of a guilty man or perhaps as a sincere statement made by a reluctant figurehead of a rogue movement. Large swaths of Turks have called for the arrest of and even death penalty for the man they believe is responsible for the coup. But the proposed process of Gülen’s extradition from the United States is a matter to be dealt with by the US judicial system, not by demands made from Turkey. A definitive assessment of his status as an active leader of the movement he conceived and inspires has not yet reached fruition let alone initiation. Either way, once a beloved figure and a partner of Erdogan’s, he is now despised by pro-AKP as well as anti-AKP camps despite his denouncing of the coup.
Supporters of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan hang an effigy of US-based cleric Fethullah / BBC PHOTO
Erdogan was also once a controversial figure in the late 1990s, due to his deviation from the authoritarian government that dominated Turkey in the 1980s. However, within the span of a few years in office in the early 2000s, Recep Tayyip made a 180 degree turn, mirroring the authoritarian regime he once intimidated with his reformist team. The Turkish president continues to seek complete dismemberment of political opposition groups, sending Turkey further and further away from their once esteemed position as a democratic model for the Middle East.
Kurds and supporters of the HDP (the Kurdish-backed People’s Democratic Party) also condemned the attempted coup as a threat to democracy. It can be implied that one who is anti-Erdogan/AKP is not automatically pro-coup/Gülen, as Turkish politics are not so black and white. Therefore, it can also be implied that being anti-Gülen does not automatically make one pro-Erdogan/AKP. However, with nationalist fervor boiling in the wake of a controversial constitutional referendum passed in April, it is likely that these sentiments will continue to put journalists, military personnel, teachers, airline workers, and others who do not explicitly support the Erdogan’s AKP-led government into unemployment or incarceration. This is already the case for over 100,000 individuals. (link to BBC Our World documentary Cleansing Turkey)
Further reading: Erdowhy? What Everyone Needs to Know About Turkey on the Eve of the Vote for a New Constitutional Referendum
